Yet in Scotland, where Labour were once every bit as dominant as in Wales, they are now almost vanquished as a political force. When, and why, did the two countries’ paths diverge so much?
We are used to the idea of the SNP in Scotland being vastly stronger and more successful than Plaid Cymru in Wales, but this has not always been the case. In the 1979 General Election when Mrs. Thatcher swept to power, the two parties were neck and neck at two seats each – the SNP’s seats being a much smaller proportion of the total. This remained the case in the 1983 election (two seats each) and the 1987 election (three seats each). In 1992 Plaid Cymru overtook the SNP, having four seats to the latter’s three. In the 1999 first elections to the Welsh Assembly and Scottish Parliament, Plaid Cymru’s 30.5% of the list vote comfortably exceeded the SNP’s 27.3%. Labour narrowly failed to win an overall majority in either case but were able to govern in coalition with the Liberal Democrats.
It was only after Dafydd Wigley retired and Plaid Cymru started its long march to the Left that the two parties’ fortunes began to diverge. In 2003, with Ieuan Wyn Jones as leader and the ‘Leannistas’ already making their disruptive presence felt, Plaid Cymru lost a third of its votes and its seats but still clung on as the second largest party in the Assembly. Labour, too, clung on in both Wales and Scotland, but in both cases needed the support of the Liberal Democrats to form a government.
Yes if you compared the early days of the Assembly and Scottish Parliment you my be drawn to consider that Gwlad have a point
Year | Votes received | Seats won | Government | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Constituencies | Regional lists | Constituencies | Regional top-up seats | Total | ||||
1999 | 28.4% | 290,572 | 30.6% | 312,048 | 9 / 40 | 8 / 20 | 17 / 60 | Opposition |
2003 | 21.2% | 180,185 | 19.7% | 167,653 | 5 / 40 | 7 / 20 | 12 / 60 | Opposition |
2007 | 22.4% | 219,121 | 21.0% | 204,757 | 7 / 40 | 8 / 20 | 15 / 60 | Coalition Lab–Plaid |
2011 | 19.3% | 182,907 | 17.9% | 169,799 | 5 / 40 | 6 / 20 | 11 / 60 | Opposition |
2016 | 20.5% | 209,376 | 20.8% | 211,548 | 6 / 40 | 6 / 20 | 12 / 60 | Opposition |
36] | Leader | Regional Members | Constituency Members | Total seats | Change | Position | Government | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
% | Seats | % | Seats | ||||||
1999 | Alex Salmond MSP for Banff and Buchan | 27.3% | 28 / 56 | 28.7% | 7 / 73 | 35 / 129 | 2nd | Labour–Lib Dem coalition | |
2003 | John Swinney MSP for North Tayside | 20.9% | 18 / 56 | 23.7% | 9 / 73 | 27 / 129 | 8 | 2nd | Labour–Lib Dem coalition |
2007 | Alex Salmond MSP for Gordon (2007) MSP for Aberdeenshire East (2011) | 31.0% | 26 / 56 | 32.9% | 21 / 73 | 47 / 129 | 20 | 1st | SNP minority |
2011 | 44.0% | 16 / 56 | 45.4% | 53 / 73 | 69 / 129 | 22 | 1st | SNP majority | |
2016 | Nicola Sturgeon MSP for Glasgow Southside | 41.7% | 4 / 56 | 46.5% | 59 / 73 | 63 / 129 | 6 | 1st | SNP minority |
Michael was duly elected to the leadership but resigned a little more than a year later, amid threats of an imminent no-confidence vote and alleged plotting against him by members of not only his own party, but also Assembly groups and Cabinet members. Morgan, who had served as Minister for Economic Development under Michael
February 1974 | 10.8% | 171,374 | 2 / 36 | Opposition |
October 1974 | 10.8% | 166,321 | 3 / 36 | Opposition |
1979 | 8.1% | 132,544 | 2 / 36 | Opposition |
1983 | 7.8% | 125,309 | 2 / 38 | Opposition |
1987 | 7.3% | 123,599 | 3 / 38 | Opposition |
1992* | 9.0% | 156,796 | 4 / 38 | Opposition |
1997 | 9.9% | 161,030 | 4 / 40 | Opposition |
February 1974 | 633,180 | 21.9 | 7 / 71 | 6 | 3rd | 4th | Opposition | |
October 1974 | 839,617 | 30.4 | 11 / 71 | 4 | 3rd | 4th | Opposition | |
1979 | 504,259 | 17.3 | 2 / 71 | 9 | 4th | 6th | Opposition | |
1983 | Gordon Wilson MP for Dundee East | 331,975 | 11.7 | 2 / 72 | 5th | 7th | Opposition | |
1987 | 416,473 | 14.0 | 3 / 72 | 1 | 4th | 5th | Opposition | |
1992 | Alex Salmond MP for Banff and Buchan | 629,564 | 21.5 | 3 / 72 | 4th | 7th | Opposition | |
1997 | 621,550 | 22.1 | 6 / 72 |
In Scotland every single opposition party decided to put the boot into Labour and keep kicking. After all, it was in all their interests to diminish Labour by keeping them out of power in the Scottish Parliament. A minority government meant that the SNP would be unlikely to put through any major policy changes without the support of either the Lib Dems, Greens or Tories. The nationalists, who had no actual experience of government, concentrated on the business of running the administration and did it well. They have dominated Scottish Politics since, their popularity currently being as much for their reputation for good governance as their Scottish nationalism.
The Scottish National Party emerged as the largest party with 47 seats, closely followed by the incumbent Scottish Labour Party with 46 seats. The Scottish Conservatives won 17 seats, the Scottish Liberal Democrats 16 seats, the Scottish Green Party 2 seats and one Independent (Margo MacDonald) was also elected. The SNP initially approached the Lib Dems for a coalition government, but the Lib Dems turned them down. Ultimately, the Greens agreed to provide the numbers to vote in an SNP minority government, with SNP leader Alex Salmond as First Minister.
In Wales the story was different. A “rainbow coalition” of all the opposition parties was proposed. Plaid would, as the largest party of the coalition, lead the show and Ieuan Wyn Jones, Plaid’s leader, would be First Minister. Again, there would have been a tremendous political advantage for all the other parties. There was considerable popular support for this option but the Liberal Democrat Executive meeting split 50/50 on the subject and called a special conference to decide the issue, delaying matters. When that special conference met it endorsed the Rainbow Coalition. However, in the meantime a group of Plaid assembly members and one of their MP’s, Adam Price, had formed a group to negotiate a deal between Plaid and Labour. Although we know who these people were, why they so strongly preferred Labour is not so clear publicly other than their rather underdeveloped ideological objection to working with the Conservatives and their reluctance to be nasty to Labour.
As a joint statement by the 4 AM’s issued on May 22nd 2007 put it:
“We fought this election on a platform to deliver a proper Parliament for our nation. A deal with the Conservatives would undermine the chance of delivering that goal.”
Helen Mary Jones, Leanne Wood, Bethan Jenkins, Nerys EvansHow do Conservatives make parliaments improper? Are they really more unionist than the Labour Party who, in 2014 magnificently sacrificed themselves in Scotland to keep the Union for a few more years? If any of you ladies ever read this, please expand your arguments in the comment section!
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